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(Reuters) ? Robert Hegyes, who played the Jewish Puerto Rican wisecracking student Juan Epstein in 1970s comedy "Welcome Back, Kotter," died on Thursday at age 60, a hospital official said.
Paramedics brought Hegyes to John F. Kennedy Medical Center in Edison, New Jersey, from nearby Metuchen, hospital spokesman Steven Weiss said.
Hegyes, who grew up in New Jersey and reportedly had a home in Metuchen, was in cardiac arrest when he arrived and he was pronounced dead at the hospital, Weiss said.
The actor appeared alongside John Travolta and Gabe Kaplan in the high school comedy "Welcome Back, Kotter" from 1975 until 1979. Hegyes' character, Juan Epstein, was short with big hair, and sported a tough demeanor and pride in his Jewish and Puerto Rican heritage.
Hegyes, who was of Italian and Hungarian descent, said on his website that he modeled his character Epstein on Chico Marx, of the famous Marx Brothers.
After "Welcome Back, Kotter," he went on to have a recurring role as Detective Manny Esposito in the 1980s police series "Cagney & Lacey." In all, Hegyes had over 20 television and film acting credits during his career, and was also active in theater.
(Reporting By Alex Dobuzinskis; Editing by Cynthia Johnston)
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On September 11, 2001, I along with virtually every American wanted to see the perpetrators of that heinous attack on Americans, on American soil, brought to justice.
One month later, America did the right thing and launched Operation Enduring Freedom to "drive [the terrorists] out and bring them to justice."
In his address to the nation on that occasion, President Bush said:
To all the men and women in our military -- every sailor, every soldier, every airman, every coastguardsman, every Marine -- I say this: Your mission is defined; your objectives are clear; your goal is just.
Through the years, as the war continued unabated and claimed more and more young American lives without any measurable progress; as the financial costs of both the Afghanistan and Iraq wars caused enormous damage to our economy and national psyche; as the end of the tunnel seemed as far away as ever, I resisted criticizing the war itself and mainly lamented our casualties.
Today, as our stay in Afghanistan exceeds a decade and has already surpassed the duration of the Soviet occupation of that country, our mission remains muddled, our objectives remain befuddled, our goal to bring Osama Bin Laden and his cohorts to justice still just, but accomplished.
You may call me a flip-flopper, but after supporting our efforts in Afghanistan for so many years, and in view of recent developments, I now have some serious concerns about that war.
Most recently, I referred to some of those "developments," including corruption and backstabbing at the highest levels in the Afghanistan government, incompetence of and disloyalty among its military and police and continuing human rights violations.
While examples of corruption among Afghan government officials are numerous, the most recent and most grievous example of backstabbing at the highest levels occurred only three months ago when Afghan President Hamid Karzai said: "God forbid, if ever there is a war between Pakistan and America, Afghanistan will side with Pakistan."
Karzai also said:
"Afghanistan will never forget the welcome, the hospitality, the respect, and the brotherhood showed by the Pakistani people towards the Afghan people... Pakistan will never betray their brother."
Two weeks ago, Karzai denounced alleged abuses at the main American prison in Afghanistan -- a prison that, according to the New York Times, "plays a key role in the war effort, housing almost all the detainees that forces from the American-led coalition deem 'high value,' including Taliban operatives" -- and demanded that Americans cede control of the site within a month. ("The prison, at Bagram Air Base, is one of the few in the country where Afghan and Western rights advocates say that conditions are relatively humane.")
The Times:
... the Afghan commission that documented the abuses appears to have focused mainly on the side of the prison run by Afghan authorities, not the American-run part, according to interviews with American and Afghan officials.
Mr. Karzai was, in essence, demanding that the Americans cede control of a prison to Afghan authorities to stop abuses being committed by Afghan authorities.
The $60 million prison was built and paid for by the United States.
A recent Wall Street Journal article describes how the Afghan "Police Undermine [the] Fight Against [the] Taliban" with the lead-in, "In the American war against the Taliban, on whose side are the Afghan police? For many U.S. soldiers serving in the insurgent heartland, the answer is: both."
And:
They smile to our face when we're here, giving them money and building them buildings," says U.S. Army Capt. Cory Brown, a provost marshal officer helping to oversee Afghan security forces here in volatile Paktika province. "But they've given insurgents money, food and even rides in Afghan police cars.
Worse, he says, some policemen are also suspected of selling their U.S.-provided weapons to the Taliban.
More recently and more insidious, the Salt Lake Tribune reports:
U.S. and other coalition forces [in Afghanistan] are being killed in increasing numbers by the very Afghan soldiers they fight alongside and train, in attacks motivated by deep-seated animosity between the supposedly allied forces, according to U.S. and Afghan officers and a classified coalition report obtained by The New York Times.
A decade into the war in Afghanistan, the report makes clear that these killings have become the most visible symptom of a far deeper ailment plaguing the war effort: the contempt each side holds for the other, never mind the Taliban. The ill will and mistrust run deep among civilians and militaries on both sides, raising questions about what future role the United States and its allies can expect to play in Afghanistan.
The Tribune continues:
The violence, and the failure by coalition commanders to address it, casts a harsh spotlight on the shortcomings of U.S. efforts to build a functional Afghan army, a pillar of the Obama administration's strategy for extricating the United States from the war in Afghanistan, said the officers and experts who helped shape the strategy.
The above attests to the increasingly difficult and dangerous task our brave troops face in Afghanistan.
As a matter of fact, a recently released Marine Corps guidebook, "Afghanistan, Operational Culture for Deploying Personnel," written for our troops serving or preparing to serve in Afghanistan warns them:
For centuries, this has been the paradox of warfare in Afghanistan: "The more enemies you kill, the faster you lose. Because of badal (revenge), the Pashtun have a saying: 'Kill one enemy, make ten.'"
According to the Washington Post, "the 112-page, 'for official use only' manual gives a clear description of the complicated Taliban enemy against whom U.S. troops have been fighting and the Afghans who are fighting alongside U.S. forces," and warns "In neither case is the picture reassuring. Nor do the manual's recollections of the U.S. experience in Vietnam ease current concerns of those who lived through that war, that history may be repeating itself ...The Taliban insurgent is certain that it is God's will that he fight to eliminate the Afghan infidels in Kabul and drive the foreign infidels (you) from Afghanistan."
The manual also warns of corruption among officers and such being especially "endemic" in the police.
While questions and concerns about our policy and strategy in Afghanistan abound in my mind, there is absolutely no question about the bravery and dedication of our troops serving there -- notwithstanding some recently much-publicized aberrations. More about these heroes, later.
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Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dorian-de-wind/afghanistan-goal-accompli_b_1228513.html
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All Critics (166) | Top Critics (40) | Fresh (159) | Rotten (6)
It may not entirely work as a movie, but The Muppets shines as a piece of touching pop nostalgia.
The purity of the nostalgia turns this franchise film into a love letter to childhood.
You can rest easy - if you have previously loved the Muppets, you will likely currently love The Muppets.
The chorus of one of the songs declares, 'I've got everything that I need, right in front of me.' For 120 minutes, that's precisely how I felt.
[Filmmakers] hew close to the essential innocence informing the Muppets' silliness.
The Muppets is a triumph of simplicity, innocence and goofy jokes. It's a triumph of felt.
The innocence is slightly twisted, the harmonious camaraderie is slightly corrosive and the characters are slightly eccentric
I smiled throughout this madcap joyous adventure in which the Muppets are funny, silly, colourful and totally endearing in what must be the happiest film of the New Year
MY inner child - the one who loved The Muppet Show, The Muppet Movie and The Great Muppet Caper - really wants to give this film five stars.
By focusing on the Muppets of The Muppet Show (1976-1981) rather than the independent Muppets of prior films, the writers open up an unexplored aspect of Muppet lore ripe for revival.
A nice throwback to the good old days of the Muppets.
Under James Bobin's direction, however, the outing feels cheap and strangely small-screen.
An altogether charming, smart and strangely moving little movie.
The Muppets may be one of the best films of the year, not judged as a children's film, or a family film, but instead, simply as a film.
The Muppets is really two movies. And one of those movies is quite good, albeit awfully similar to previous films.
Even balcony critics Waldorf and Statler would have a hard time faulting this Wonkaful delight.
I am a fan of The Muppets and I'm glad to see them making a comeback. Maybe if this movie is a hit, they'll make a sequel where they'll actually get to be the stars of their own film.
A good imitation of the Muppet style.
The Muppets is a celebration of all things Muppets -- filled with fun, laughter and moments of pure joy.
The Muppets heralds the return of Jim Henson's beloved furry creations, resurrected from pop-culture irrelevance and lovingly restored to their former greatness in a vibrant comedy-musical.
The film's success is owed to the fact that the living, breathing actors understand the show belongs to the Muppets. In their capable paws, claws, and flippers, the fun, kindness, and total, unadulterated wackiness of The Muppet Show is finally back.
The Muppets is a joyful mix of the nostalgic past and a vibrant present. It tops the list of family movies for the holidays. The movie asks the question, "Do you have what it takes to be one of the Muppets?" Of course, we do.
The new muppet movie, written by Jason Segel and Nicholas Stoller, is a total delight. Any fears that the muppets may have been unwisely thrust into something that is outside of their inherent character can be safely allayed.
A return to form for Kermit and company.
More Critic ReviewsSource: http://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/the_muppets/
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Sana/Handout / EPA
An image of President Bashir al-Assad watches over the scene of a pro-government rally at Sabe Bahrat square in Damascus in December.
Editor's note: Cairo-based NBC News correspondent Ayman Mohyeldin is reporting from Syria this week. Follow his updates on Twitter @Aymanm
By Ayman Mohyeldin , NBC News correspondent
Update at 8:18 a.m. ET Wednesday: Police in #damascus have let us go after about an hour and deleting our video of long petrol lines #syria
Update at 8 a.m. ET Wednesday: Ayman Mohyeldin says in a message on Twitter?that he was "Taken to police station in #damascus. Despite having permits we were forced to delete video of people waiting in line."
Published at 8 p.m. ET Tuesday: Inside Syria, Day 1
DAMASCUS -- To say that Damascus suffers from a cult of personality is an understatement. Arriving in Damascus airport, there is no mistaking who runs Syria: "Doctor Bashar al-Assad."
In the short walk from the airplane to the car, I counted more than 200 posters plastered on the walls, columns, doors and pretty much everywhere my eye turned. All I could see were pictures carrying the image of Assad. From planting olive trees to donning full military dress, Assad is everywhere. Even customs officials processing our paperwork were humming pro-Assad songs.
A few hours later, at a dinner with old and new friends in a Damascus restaurant, I am told it's not just the president's image that is ubiquitous, it?s the entire security apparatus that's keeping a watchful eye on what is happening in Damascus. "Be careful what you say and when you say it," a friend tells me. "Never speak freely with a taxi driver or start a random conversation about what is going on," I am advised.
But despite the warning, there is a certain ease by which the current crisis comes to the surface of any discussion. Criticism of the government is rampant at?one restaurant where conversations flow from table to table. An occasional silence interrupts the chats as diners peek over the shoulders to ensure no one is paying attention too closely. "It's OK, don?t worry, the regime has bigger problems right now than to worry what is being said on every table. We know everyone here," my friend says, nudging me to keep on eating.
Over the course of the next several hours, I hear about "Syria's uprising" from those living it daily, including?its pitfalls, its weaknesses, its strengths. Lessons learned and gains made. In the background, a TV plays Arab music songs, and then a red ticker on the screen flashes a breaking news bulletin.?In unison, heads across the restaurant turn: An explosion has been reported in the Damascus neighborhood of Nahr El Aisha. People turn back to their meals.
Damascus is a city on edge. There is an uneasy nervousness in the city. Yes, shops are open, and restaurants and caf?s bustle with patrons. But that?s up to a certain time, and for those?who know Damascus, it?s a few hours less than normal, and a few hours less than what it was just a few months ago. There is an unofficial curfew, imposed by residents who are?weary of a different city?after dark. There are parts of the city where the risks of travel are too dangerous at night. As we drive around one roundabout in the city, we veer on to a side street. "This side of the circle is?safe. If you drive a kilometer in the other side, there are tensions between the residents and the security," my friend tells me.
Syrian President Bassar Al-Assad vowed to crack down against those he blamed for trying to topple his regime. His forces shot at protestors and in a speech, he attacked the Arab League who've sent monitors into Syria. ITN's John Ray reports.
The government says "armed gangs" have inched closer to the capital, frequently attacking security checkpoints at night. Several attacks have already happened in the heart of the capital. And even government employees concede certain routes in and out of the city have become too dangerous to traverse. Anti-government activists say momentum is on their side as pressure mounts on the government, with political and military defections increasing. When?night falls,?security forces?crack down on neighborhoods close to the capital where anti-government sentiment runs high.
Along one of the capital's main streets, one side of the street is well lit. The other is dark. Local residents tell me power outages are?becoming more?frequent across the city. There are rolling blackouts and increasing shortages?of?fuel and gas. Factories are shutting down, exports are halting. The value of the Syrian currency is plummeting and inflation is skyrocketing as a result of international and Arab sanctions that are aimed at punishing Assad's government. But the sanctions are clearly taking a toll on the daily lives of Syrians.
But their daily lives go on, it seems for now, as routine as?they can be in the middle of a 10-month uprising against the rule of the man seen everywhere in Damascus.
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WASHINGTON ? The Republican Party's steadily rightward drift, exemplified by the tea party movement's muscle, keeps hitting a quadrennial paradox that frustrates social conservatives: presidential primaries.
For all its success in congressional races, the GOP's right wing repeatedly has failed to unite behind a "movement conservative" to be the party's White House nominee. It happened in 2008 with John McCain, and in 1996 with Bob Dole.
Now social conservatives fear it's happening again in, of all places, South Carolina, virtually the heartland of the tea party. Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney is running strong in polls there, threatening to sweep the year's first three GOP contests and all but lock up the nomination in Saturday's primary.
More than 100 evangelical and social conservative leaders convened last week in Texas, hoping to slow Romney's march by backing former Sen. Rick Santorum. But they were far from unanimous, and many party activists feel the effort was too puny and too late.
The loose-knit group's lack of cohesion ? underscored Monday when some members announced their strong support for former House Speaker Newt Gingrich ? illustrates the hard right's historic difficulty in coalescing early behind one strong contender.
Romney, meanwhile, caught a break Monday. Former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman, widely seen as competing with Romney for moderate-conservatives' votes, dropped out and endorsed the front-runner.
Romney began the contest as the GOP establishment's favorite, running a steady but unspectacular campaign while rivals on his right soared and crashed. Rep. Michele Bachmann and businessman Herman Cain eventually dropped out. Former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin never got in. Gingrich and Texas Gov. Rick Perry are hanging on, but they have fallen dramatically from their respective high points of last year.
Santorum, virtually an afterthought in the race until Christmas, may have the best chance of becoming the non-Romney candidate. But he lags far behind Romney in money, organization and experience.
There are several explanations, perhaps none of which will satisfy people who want an unabashed, down-the-line social and fiscal conservative as president.
The most benign explanation is that Republicans are so intent on ousting President Barack Obama that they will settle for a far-from-pure conservative nominee and rally around him this fall. Indeed, GOP polls show Romney's perceived "electability" as one his greatest assets.
Tony Perkins, who attended the Texas gathering as head of the conservative Family Research Council, says social conservatism is "choking on its own success" by attracting so many presidential hopefuls.
"The field is so inviting for socially conservative candidates to get in," Perkins said, "they slice up the vote."
But Dan Schnur, a former campaign and policy adviser for Republicans, says conservative activists keep getting outmaneuvered by the party's more pragmatic and mainstream operatives who know how to run campaigns.
Among national Republicans, "a balance of power has shifted from the establishment to the grassroots," said Schnur, who teaches politics at the University of Southern California. "That said, the thing about establishments is: They are established, and they are organized."
Social conservative crusader Pat Buchanan and flat-tax champion Steve Forbes ran in 1996, but the establishment backed Dole, a longtime Senate leader and an uninspiring campaigner.
In 2008, many on the Republican right disliked McCain, the Arizona senator who championed campaign finance limits and thumbed his nose at other conservative orthodoxies. But he easily passed Baptist minister and former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, who won the 2008 Iowa caucuses.
George W. Bush ran as a "compassionate conservative" in 2000, although he governed more to the right, especially on military matters.
If any state would reject Romney's moderate style and history of supporting abortion rights and gun control, South Carolina would near the top. The state's congressional delegation includes some of the nation's most prominent tea party advocates: Sen. Jim DeMint and Reps. Trey Gowdy, Tim Scott and Joe Wilson, made famous for shouting at Obama, "You lie!"
Yet Romney appears to be coasting, wooing another tea party favorite, Gov. Nikki Haley, to his side. Haley constantly emphasizes the need to oust Obama. Romney, she tells South Carolina Republicans, is the man to do it.
In Monday's debate in Myrtle Beach, S.C., Romney again focused much of his fire on Obama, doing his best to avoid his rivals' efforts to draw him into tit-for-tat arguments.
Those rivals have practically begged voters to reject Romney, or not "to settle" for a quasi-conservative, as Bachmann often put it.
Santorum says Romney disqualified himself, as governor, by insisting that all Massachusetts residents obtain health insurance. Nominating Romney would amount to political "malpractice," he says, because it would undermine efforts to attack Obama's 2010 health care overhaul.
Gingrich has veered from topic to topic at times, but he too has portrayed himself as an uncompromising conservative.
When a New Hampshire voter asked how he could govern without being willing to raise taxes to help close budget deficits, Gingrich replied: "I'm happy to cooperate. I'm not willing to compromise. Compromise in Washington means sell out."
Some conservative activists see an unhappy scenario playing out again.
South Carolina state Rep. Larry Grooms has withdrawn his support of Perry.
"There are a lot of conservatives who were happy to see him get in, and now who would be happy to see him get out," Grooms told The Associated Press. "When conservatives have split in the past, we end up nominating a moderate, and that's not good for our party."
His plea may be coming too late.
___
EDITOR'S NOTE ? Charles Babington covers politics for The Associated Press.
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MANAMA, Bahrain ? Witnesses say Bahraini riot police have chased anti-government protesters out of the center of the island kingdom's capital.
The scuffles Wednesday came a day after authorities denied the country's main Shiite-backed opposition party, Al Wefaq, permission to hold protests in central Manama.
Witnesses say hundreds of protesters were scattered throughout the old city and diplomatic area, and police used stun grenades to disperse some of them.
Bahrain's majority Shiites have been the driving force behind widespread protests inspired by the Arab Spring uprisings over the past year.
Wednesday's protests erupted a day before Bahrain hosts an air show that runs through Saturday.
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